The basic model would expand upon existing law in a bold way:
The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 eliminated marketplace premiums for eligible people with incomes below 150 percent of FPL. As a result, all individuals at that income level who live in states that have expanded Medicaid can now receive zero-premium coverage, unless they have an “affordable” offer from an employer or are excluded because of immigration status. If the remaining 10 states expanded Medicaid, or if eligible people with incomes below 100 percent of FPL in nonexpansion states were permitted to have subsidized coverage in the marketplace, then most legal residents with incomes below 150 percent of FPL could be covered with no premiums. Zero-premium coverage could also be extended to higher incomes, either through further enhancement of federal premium tax credits or by states adopting a Basic Health Program or adding state premium subsidies. [footnotes omitted]
Here's the Abstract:
Issue: The number of uninsured Americans remains stubbornly high, and many Americans do not obtain the coverage for which they are eligible — even when insurance is free.
Goal: To outline a system for automatically enrolling people with low incomes in health coverage and then model the impact on coverage and spending at the federal and state levels.
Methods: The Urban Institute’s Health Insurance Policy Simulation Model was used to analyze alternative auto-enrollment approaches. These include identifying uninsured individuals who are tax filers or recipients of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), unemployment insurance, or Social Security and enrolling people who are eligible for free coverage.
Key Findings and Conclusions: We show results for the nation and for three states (California, Georgia, and Michigan). If all states adopted an auto-enrollment policy for those with incomes at or below 150 percent of the federal poverty level, 4.3 million uninsured people would be identified and enrolled. An additional 1.8 million would be “deemed” covered, either auto-enrolled through provider contact or contingently covered and thus protected from huge medical bills. Provider spending on uncompensated care would fall 32 percent, while federal spending would increase by $30.3 billion and state spending would increase by $7.7 billion per year.
The individual mandate, however, does not regulate existing commercial activity. It instead compels individuals to become active in commerce by purchasing a product, on the ground that their failure to do so affects interstate commerce. Construing the Commerce Clause to permit Congress to regulate individuals precisely because they are doing nothing would open a new and potentially vast do-main to congressional authority.
Make a change to these sentences and you have the essence of the brief we can expect from opponents of automatic enrollment:
The individual mandate, however, does not regulate existing commercial activity. It instead compels individuals to become active in commerce by enrolling them in a product, on the ground that their failure to do so affects interstate commerce. Construing the Commerce Clause to permit Congress to regulate individuals precisely because they are doing nothing would open a new and potentially vast do-main to congressional authority.
In Sebelius Roberts saved the individual mandate by characterizing the penalty for not purchasing health care coverage as a tax. It would be a real stretch to characterize a free insurance policy as an exercise of the Taxing Clause. Would it fly under the Spending Clause?
By way of counter-argument, don't we already have a nationwide automatic-enrollment scheme for Medicare Part A? Would a broader scheme be any different?