Showing posts with label Health care costs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Health care costs. Show all posts

Sunday, December 22, 2024

Latest Report on National Health-Related Spending in 2023

From Health Affairs on-line today:

In an ahead-of-print article published [Dec. 18], Anne B. Martin and colleagues at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) released their 2023 health care spending report.

Key takeaways from the report include:

  • Health care spending in the US continues to climb, with private insurance and Medicare leading the charge.
  • The insured share of the population reached a high of 92.5% in 2023.
  • Medicaid spending growth slowed as pandemic-related funding waned.
  • State and local governments accounted for a larger share of health spending, while federal contributions declined.

And some tidbits from the article's Abstract:

  • Health care spending in the US reached $4.9 trillion and increased 7.5 percent in 2023 [compared to our overall rate of inflation of 4.1%], growing from a rate of 4.6 percent in 2022. 
  • In 2023, the insured share of the population reached 92.5 percent, as enrollment in private health insurance increased at a strong rate for the second year in a row, and both private health insurance and Medicare spending grew faster than in 2022. 
  • For Medicaid, spending and enrollment growth slowed as the COVID-19 public health emergency ended. 
  • The health sector’s share of the economy in 2023 was 17.6 percent, which was similar to its share of 17.4 percent in 2022 but lower than in 2020 [19.7%] and 2021 [18.3%], during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. 
  • State and local governments accounted for a higher share of spending in 2023 than in 2022, while the federal government share was lower as COVID-19-related funding declined and federal Medicaid spending growth slowed. 

Thursday, November 14, 2024

Health Affairs: "The Impact Of The Election On Health Policy And The Courts"

The nonpartisan and highly respected journal, Health Affairs, today posted an analysis of some of the more conspicuous (and worrying) changes to the health care scene we might expect to see once Donald Trump's administration is in place. It is, as usual, well worth reading in whole.

The areas that are discussed include:

  • the Affordable Care Act (ACA) (primary concern: allowing premium tax credit enhancements to expire entirely after 2025, which could result in 4 million people losing their health insurance coverage; also -- whether by statute, agency regulation, or executive order -- any number of the ACA's protections are at risk)
  • Medicaid (during the campaign Trump vowed to leave Social Security and Medicare alone; "experts noted that Medicaid was conspicuously absent from the conversation")
  • reproductive health care (abortion, LGBTQ nondiscrimination, reviving the Comstock Act, changing the Administration's position in state and federal lawsuits)
  • nondiscrimination and health equity ("Health care is a civil rights issue. . . . Anti-discrimination protections in health are also likely to suffer major blows going forward."
  • Medicare Drug Negotiation Program (hard to believe that a program that will save the government and citizens billions will be watered down, but Big Pharma has hated this law from the beginning and it has some attentive allies in the new administration)
  • public health (RFK, Jr. -- need I say more? He was named as Trump's nominee for Secretary of HHS; the mind reels)
  • the courts (Yup. From the Supreme Court on down, expect change)
The end. (Take that any way you want.)

Wednesday, October 30, 2024

Toddler's Snake Bite Costs $290K+ to Treat

Two-year-old Brigland Pfeffer was playing with his sibs in their San Diego backyard when he was bitten by a rattlesnake. Ouch! His was one of the 7,000-8,000 venomous snakebites that occur in the U.S. each year. The N.Y. Times reported a surge in the venomous snake population in Southern California 18 years ago, and 20% of all such snakebites occur in that state. So young Brigland's close encounter may have been a surprise, but it was far from a shock.

The shock came when the bills for Brigland's treatment started rolling in. As reported by Kaiser Family Foundation in this morning's on-line Health News, the final bills totaled "$297,461, which included two ambulance rides, an emergency room visit, and a couple of days in pediatric intensive care. Antivenom alone accounts for $213,278.80 of the total bill."

Despite the 2021 passage of the No Surprises Act, there are a few surprises in the final bills:

  • The Pfeffer's health insurer paid a large chunk of these bills, but refused payment of a second ambulance ride that took Brigland from Palomar Health's ER Rady Children's Hospital where he was admitted to the pediatric ICU:
Pfeffer said she received a letter this summer indicating they owe an additional $11,300 for Brigland’s care. While the landmark No Surprises Act protects patients from many out-of-network bills in emergencies, the law controversially exempted bills for ground ambulances.

  • Experts who reviewed the hospitals' bills described the charges for antivenom "eye-popping." The "Freakonomics" podcast ran a story on the high costs for antivenom in July of this year. KFF's report provides a useful summary of the story behind the charges. The first clue is in the two hospitals' different charges per vial of the serum:

Palomar [Medical Center Escondido], where emergency staffers treated Brigland, charged $9,574.60 per vial, for a total of $95,746 for the starting dose of 10 vials of Anavip.

Rady, the largest children’s hospital on the West Coast, charged $5,876.64 for each vial. For the 20 vials Brigland received there, the total was $117,532.80. [emphasis added]

What explains the difference?

One explanation is that hospitals mark up products to balance overhead costs and generate revenue. . . . 

 For instance, Medicare . . . pays about $2,000 for a vial of [the antivenom] Anavip . On average . . . that is the price hospitals pay for it.

Leslie Boyer, a doctor and toxicology researcher, helped found a group that was instrumental in developing Anavip, as well as the other available snake antivenom, CroFab, which dominated the market for decades. In 2015, she published an editorial in the American Journal of Medicine breaking down the “true” cost of antivenom

Boyer's editorial is well worth reading.

Using cost data collected from factory supervisors, animal managers, hospital pharmacists and other sources, Boyer developed a model for a hypothetical antivenom, at a final cost of $14,624 per vial. She found the cost of venom, included in that total, was just 2 cents. Manufacturing accounted for $9 of the $14,624 total. [emphasis added]

More than 70% of the price tag — $10,250 — is attributable to hospital markups, her research showed. 

 And then there's the surcharge for legal expenses:

Anavip entered the market in 2018 as the only competitor to CroFab. But its makers settled a patent infringement lawsuit with CroFab’s maker, requiring the makers of Anavip to pay royalties until 2028.

Anavip debuted at a retail price of $1,220 per vial. Boyer noted that the price later rose to cover the manufacturers’ millions of dollars in legal costs. 

The reporting on snake antivenom -- from manufacture to treatment to the inevitable legal costs -- gives us a snapshot of the best and the worst features of our healthcare system. 

  1. Best. Brigland's hand, arm, and possibly life were saved because a relatively rare medication was available at two local hospitals, including a pediatric facility, via a healthcare infrastructure (including 9-1-1, emergency transportation with a treatment team on-board). We have a healthcare delivery system (for those who can acess it) that is among the best in the world [cite].
  2. Not the best. Many if not most rattlesnake bites occur in rural settings far from the world-class doctors and hospitals in a city like San Diego. In a word, the excellence we are so proud of (and pay so much to maintain) is, in geographical terms, spotty.
  3. Worst. The cost of Brigland's treatment exceeded the median price of a home in 16 states and was close to the median home price in 5 or 6 more. Most of that was for the antivenom medication and most of the charge for that was due to hospital mark-ups. As one commenter told KFF, hospital charges -- thousands of which reside in their chargemasters -- are largely fictitious and are neither regulated nor controlled by any public or private body. As the National Academy for State Healthcare Policy blogged in 2020:

[T]he chargemaster rates hospitals use are nearly meaningless*. . . . 

Hospital chargemaster rates are the equivalent of Manufacturers Suggested Retail Price or MSRP in car buying markets. They are little more than the price a seller would ideally like to charge a consumer. Hospitals set their own chargemaster rates – there is no legal requirement or set formula a hospital must follow when establishing the basis between chargemaster rates and costs. As a result, chargemaster rates are unlikely to be accurate reflections of actual hospital expenses.
Recently, The Montana Office of the Commissioner of Securities and Insurance examined the ratio between 10 acute hospitals’ expenses and chargemaster rates.
The state concluded that what the hospitals listed as chargemaster rates for all payers would cover between 192 to 384 percent of the hospitals’ actual costs.
A hospital may also change chargemaster rates at any time – prior notification is not always required – and mark-ups on hospital-purchased services and supplies like durable medical equipment are not disclosed. All of these features make it difficult for public and private payers to use chargemaster rates as a way to establish relevant prices to pay to hospitals. Hospitals instead negotiate discounts off their chargemaster rates with individual and group plans.
In fact, almost no one actually pays the publicized chargemaster rates. The vast majority of health care consumers are represented by a payer of some kind, such as a commercial health insurance company, Medicaid, or Medicare. Commercial insurers negotiate the actual prices they pay during the process of contracting with providers. Medicare and Medicaid establish their own payment levels independent of hospitals’ chargemaster lists – Medicare through the federal government and Medicaid through state governments.

* But chargemaster prices aren't entirely meaningless: 

The cruel irony of the chargemaster is that the uninsured are the most likely to be billed chargemaster rates because they are not represented by a payer. 

Our healthcare "system," which daily provides the kind of excellent care Brigland received, seems to thrive on financial chaos. Despite the No Surprises Act, the costs of care are higher than any other industrialized country, often unpredictable, subject to substantial variations from institution to institution even within a single city, and frequently unfair. 

For Brigland's parents, this episode of care cost them $7,200 (their out-of-pocket maximum) plus $11,300 for that second ambulance ride that their insurer refused to pay. One not-so-minor irony: At the end of the transcript of the Freakonomics podcast about the high cost of antivenom, there was one comment. It ended with this sentence: "Oh, and if you get bitten in Australia, anti-venom is free because we have universal health care! :-)" Ouch, indeed.

Thursday, October 10, 2024

New England Journal of Medicine: "The Failing U.S. Health System"

It should come as a shock to no one that our health care "system" is only a "system" in the loosest sense of the word. "System" implies a set of common goals, a comprehensive design, and coordination of effort toward achieving the system's purposes. The result is about what you would expect with a largely profit-based set of arrangements among participants who are often working at cross-purposes.

The recent report from the Commonwealth Fund ("Mirror, Mirror 2024: A Portrait of the Failing U.S. Health System") paints a dismal picture. The website has the report and useful chartpacks in PowerPoint and PDF. Here's the executive summary:

  • Goal: Compare health system performance in 10 countries, including the United States, to glean insights for U.S. improvement.
  • Methods: Analysis of 70 health system performance measures in five areas: access to care, care process, administrative efficiency, equity, and health outcomes.
  • Key Findings: The top three countries are Australia, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, although differences in overall performance between most countries are relatively small. The only clear outlier is the U.S., where health system performance is dramatically lower.
  • Conclusion: The U.S. continues to be in a class by itself in the underperformance of its health care sector. While the other nine countries differ in the details of their systems and in their performance on domains, unlike the U.S., they all have found a way to meet their residents’ most basic health care needs, including universal coverage.
Three of the authors provide an expanded version of this abstract in this week's edition of the New England Journal of Medicine (apparently for free). Here are some of the main points:

  • We can be proud of our process for delivering care. Compared to nine peer countries, we are ranked #2, quite close behind New Zealand.
  • But the cost of this care is astronomically high and the results place our health outcomes dead last among this peer group:



  • "Many of the U.S. health system’s shortfalls result from persistent economic barriers to obtaining essential care. The Affordable Care Act and related policies reduced the proportion of uninsured people to its current level of 7 to 8%. But 26 million Americans still lack insurance. . . . Substantial progress toward this goal could be made by building on existing programs, such as the Affordable Care Act, Medicare, and Medicaid." Note to self: This strategy requires political will and adequate financing at the state and federal levels. I'm not optimistic.
  • "The U.S. health care delivery system has profound problems that result in huge inefficiencies and excessive costs that would limit the benefits of expanded coverage. One such problem is the country’s worsening shortage of primary care clinicians . . . . Improved compensation and reductions in administrative burdens for primary care clinicians would help the health system recruit and retain such clinicians and build desperately needed capacity." See Note to self above.
  • "A second delivery-system failure is the high prices charged by U.S. health care facilities and professionals, which far exceed prices in other health systems. These high prices largely account for the extraordinary costs of care in the United States, which would make expanded coverage less affordable and which drive employers, who purchase insurance for more than half of Americans younger than 65 years of age, to impose high deductibles and copayments." The authors suggest scrutiny of the extensive consolidation of providers -- institutional and individual -- underway. But: The the premium-price train left the station far earlier than the consolidation boom. Consolidation may be exacerbating the problem, but the problem goes back decades, is cultural,  and it runs deep.
  • "Improvements in coverage and the delivery system will need to be complemented by policies targeting critical influences on health outside the health sector. The United States lags behind comparator countries when it comes to addressing the social determinants of health, such as poverty, homelessness, inequality, and hunger. . . . The toll of gun violence in the United States also demands policy attention." See Note to self above.

This report gives us a good differential diagnosis and then prescribes the policy equivalent of "lose weight, exercise more, cut back on meat and dairy, reduce stress in your life, and start getting enough sleep." We all know this is the Path to Enlightenment (or at least to health maintenance), but how many patients take this advice? 

Tuesday, October 01, 2024

Health Care Policy and the 2024 Election

The presidential campaign hasn't been much about health law, and up to two-thirds of adults are concerned about the lack of discussion. Perhaps to remedy this situation -- or to keep the candidates honest if and when they deign to discuss health care -- the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) has just posted a new tool; here's their announcement:

A new KFF tool generates data-driven fact sheets that lay out the health care landscape in every state against the backdrop of the 2024 election.

These state “snapshots” provide information on a variety of health care topics that may be the focus of campaign and policy debates. Topics include

  • health costs; 
  • medical debt;
  •  women’s health policy, including state abortion, contraception and maternity laws and policies;
  •  health coverage, including the Affordable Care Act, Medicare and prescription drug coverage, Medicaid, and employer-sponsored insurance;
  •  gender affirming care; and
  •  basic information on health status, population and income. 

The new tool is part of KFF’s broader collection of Election 2024-related resources, including our side-by-side comparison of the candidates’ positions and records on health policy issues. 

Other election-related features include:

Saturday, June 22, 2024

Mark Hall on HCA's Acquisition of Tax-Exempt Health System

Wake Forest law professor Mark Hall has released the latest chapter in his exhaustive preliminary report on the 2019 acquisition of Asheville, North Carolina's tax-exempt Mission Health System. As he writes in this new chapter: "As a result, Mission’s flagship facility became the fifth largest for-profit hospital in the country. Prior to HCA’s purchase, Mission had been operated as a nonprofit “charitable” organization ever since its founding in 1885." Prof. Hall's goal is to describe in as much detail as possible the decision-making process that led to the acquisition, how Mission Health performed before the acquisition, and how the system has performed over the next 5 years. (McKenzie Wicker wrote a comprehensive piece for the Asheville Citizen Times in 2020. Mission Health has been a major news story for the five years since the acquisition. See also NBC News, Nov. 13, 2023 and related stories.)
 
The hospital world is divided into three types of entity: public hospitals, private for-profit hospitals, and private nonprofit (and almost always tax-exempt) hospitals. For-profits are expected to generate net revenues that may be put to various uses but are also expected to be distributed to investors (increased share values, dividends, etc.). Nonprofits are also expected to generate net revenues, but are barred from benefitting private interests by state and federal laws (including § 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code, which is applicable to most nonprofit hospitals). A major question that garners the attention of state courts and legislatures as well as members of Congress from time to time is whether the tax subsidies that flow to tax-exempt hospitals are justified by a corresponding benefit to the public (principally but not exclusively improved access to care, higher quality of care, lower prices for that care, medical education, medical research, and charity care). Across the country, the answer appears to be mixed: sometimes yes, sometimes no.

These three categories are not impermeable spheres. Various combinations are permitted and mostly take the form of joint ventures, mergers, or acquisitions. These different arrangements raise all sorts of legal and public-policy issues. To perform any sort of useful analysis, however, we need facts. 

With mergers and joint ventures, policy-makers tend to be most concerned with making sure the nonprofit/tax-exempt entity doesn't become a profit-making (and profit-distributing) arm of its for-profit partner. 

With outright acquisitions, the issues are different because the acquired tax-exempt entity will be operated as a for-profit business. Prof. Hall is analyzing each one in a separate release. As described by the Nonprofit Law Blog (as of May 30, 2024), the entries so far are these:

To this list we can now add Thursday's entry, Mission Hospital’s Decision to Sell to HCA. Working Draft (2024). by Professor Mark Hall.

Saturday, April 27, 2024

Negotiating with Big Pharma Over Drug Prices for Medicare

You really can't blame Big Pharma for hating the new federal law that authorizes the Medicare program (for the first time in its 59-year existence) to stop buying drugs for the manufacturer's price but instead to negotiate for a reasonable price (the way the VA, state Medicaid agencies, the Defense Department, and most other countries do).

Medicare has been a predictably incredible cash cow for Big Pharma for generations, and that way of doing business is on its way out. 

The Medicare Drug Price Negotiation Program was authorized by Subtitle B (Prescription Drug Pricing Reform) of the bipartisan Inflation Reduction Act (once you're at the IRA, just do a search for "drug price"). As the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) eases into this new role, it identified 10 drugs that cost the program the most (a function of price x frequency of Rx). 

Big Pharma's government-relations/lobby folks have all sorts of arguments against the program. Some question whether the government will save as much money as it predicts will be the case. Time will tell.

But one argument is more philosophical: This level of government intervention is inconsistent with the traditional "free market" system that has served patients so darned well.

There's an article in the April 25 issue of the New England Journal that refutes Big Pharma's assertion. The article is "The Myth of the Free Market for Pharmaceuticals" by Rena M. Conti, Ph.D., Richard G. Frank, Ph.D., and David M. Cutler, Ph.D. There's a "public link" that's available behind a "Share" button on the NEJM webpage. I don't know if it works for nonsubscribers, but here it is: https://www-nejm-org.foyer.swmed.edu/doi/pdf/10.1056/NEJMp2313400.

The article makes the point that the market for pharmaceutical products is not and never has been a "free market," at least not in the classic economic sense. The characteristics of a free market, the authors argue, are:
  1. consumers are assumed to be fully informed, 
  2. it is assumed that they choose products on the basis of their discernable benefits and costs, 
  3. sellers can freely enter markets and make products similar or identical to others, and 
  4. prices, set by firms seeking to maximize profits, are competitive with those of other sellers and unmodified by government intervention.
The authors conclude that "[t]he U.S. pharmaceutical market strays from all these features." The point is a basic one, and you don't need a Ph.D. to figure this out. The government issues patents that grant monopoly status to drugs, entry into the market with competing drugs depends upon FDA approval, consumers are woefully uninformed about benefits and costs (or highly dependent upon information provided by parties with very strong economic interests), and most purchasers are shielded from paying the true cost of drugs by third-party payers (insurers who may pick up 80% or more of the price).

Perhaps the more salient point to be made is that Big Pharma knows its business even better than I do, and its "free market" argument is not even intended to be technically correct. It's political speech, like the AMA's old argument against Medicare ("it's communistic" or "it's socialized medicine"). Not true, but it rings bells and sets off alarms. 

That said, "free market" is a technical phrase, and it deserves to be dispatched by reference to its technical meaning. This week's NEJM article does just that. 


Wednesday, March 20, 2024

Prior Authorization & Your Health Insurer

Once upon a time, the way health insurance worked was this: Patients with insurance were seen by their doctors, received prescriptions for medications, and got the surgeries and other procedures their doctors believed were justified. Under these "indemnity plans," after the fact, invoices were submitted to health insurance companies, and -- by and large -- the invoices were paid. Not necessarily in full -- there were deductibles that needed to be met each year and reductions in "reimbursement" for the patient's co-pay or co-insurance obligation. But coverage was seldom an issue. Insurance companies conducted retroactive reviews to determine that the service or item was "medically necessary and appropriate," but most claims for payment were approved most of the time.

Until they weren't.

As new technologies and high-priced drugs and devices drove up the cost of health care, insurers looked for ways to control the amounts they paid out in claims. Under the broad banner of "managed care," insurers instituted various reforms that fundamentally changed the delivery of health care goods and services. 

One reform was to create panels or networks of approved providers, in exchange for which the insurance companies demanded deep discounts in physicians' fees and hospitals' charges. Patients who received their care -- even emergency care -- from providers who were "out of network" typically received no coverage for that care or reduced coverage, putting more of the cost of care on patients (i.e., the insurers' customers). 

Another reform was the integration of health insurance and healthcare provider. The purest form of this were the HMOs. Some provided health care services to their insureds; others contracted with providers to diagnose and treat their insureds. In both instances, a single entity was financially (and legally and ethically) obligated to write health insurance policies and provide care (either directly or indirectly) to their insureds.

A third reform relates to the title of this post: prior authorization, to which I would add concurrent authorization. "Prior authorization" gives the insurance company up-front veto power over referrals to specialists or for hospitalizations, for prescriptions for drugs and devices,  and for procedures (diagnostic (CT scans, e.g.) or treatment (including surgeries). "Concurrent authorization" gives insurance companies the same type of veto power throughout a course of treatment. This might be denial of a request for an MRI to see whether or how much a disease has progressed or denial of a request for an additional number of days of hospitalization to deal with post-procedure complications. And "retroactive review" -- which, under indemnity plans, were relatively benign efforts to determine medical appropriateness and necessity -- became a more rigorous process of "retroactive authorization."

Although managed care was originally justified as a necessary form of cost control, including screening insurance claims for those that were not for medically necessary appropriate care, managed care itself evolved into something that was increasingly regarded as abusive. The pattern of denying coverage for unarguably necessary and appropriate care produced a backlash over the past two decades, including legislative and regulatory reforms at the federal and state level to address the worst features of managed care.

A recent opinion video on the New York Times website (Mar. 14, 2024; subject to paywall) provides excellent evidence that insurance companies continue to use prior and concurrent authorizations to to delay or avoid altogether their contractual obligation to pay for care that is necessary and appropriate. (I can provide free access to eights readers of this post; if you want access, just let me know at tmayo@smu.edu.)

A handful of states have passed "gold card" laws that are intended to allow physicians who have successfully received prior authorizations to bypass that process altogether. According to the Texas Medical Association, two years after passage of the state's "gold card" law, "the Texas Department of Insurance (TDI) reports that only 3% of physicians and health care professionals have received gold cards because of the current eligibility threshold, which requires physicians to submit a minimum of five eligible prior authorization requests for a given health care service or medication within the six-month review period."

A federal version of the gold card law -- H.R. 4968, "Getting Over Lengthy Delays in Care As Required by Doctors Act of 2023" (or the "GOLD CARD Act of 2023") -- was referred last July 23 to the Subcommittee on Health of the House Ways and Means Committee, where it remains to this day. Even if it becomes law, exempts physicians from prior authorization requirements only under Medicare Advantage plans with respect to specific items and services if at least 90% of the physician's requests for such items and services were approved during the previous plan year. Outside of Medicare, patients and their providers would not be helped by the GOLD CARD Act.

Saturday, March 09, 2024

Revised Merger Guidelines from DOJ & FTC: What Effect on Hospital Acquisitions of Physician Practices?

 

On Dec. 18, 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission issued their updated Merger Guidelines, hitting the "Refresh" button for the first time since the publication of their 2010 Horizontal Guidelines and 2020 Vertical Guidelines. [See Wilmer Hale newsletter, 12/22/23; see also Crowell & Moring newsletter, 12/19/23 (5 key takeaways); Gibson Dunn newsletter, 12/22/23 (3 key takeaways)]

The Merger Guidelines apply equally to acquisitions, so it is natural to ask about the potential impact of the revised Merger Guidelines on the growing trend of hospital acquisitions of physician practices. That question is asked and expanded, if not quite answered, in the March 9 issue of the New England Journal of Medicine in a piece by Dhruv Khullar, M.D., M.P.P., Lawrence P. Casalino, M.D., Ph.D., and Amelia M. Bond, Ph.D.: "Vertical Integration and the Transformation  of American Medicine," available for free here (HTML) and here (PDF).

The article identifies three broad areas of concern that will require a more nuanced approach fueled by a close factual inquiry in each case under review:

First, are the effects of vertical integration influenced by the form that the resulting health system takes? The Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality has defined a health system as an organization that has at least one hospital and at least one physician practice that provides comprehensive care, with the entities operating under common ownership or management. This broad definition is useful for systematically tracking growth in the number of health systems, but it masks tremendous heterogeneity in size, geography, not-for-profit versus for-profit status, provider specialties, and leadership structure. . . .

Second, how do practice acquisitions affect clinicians? Traditionally, antitrust agencies judging whether to challenge a proposed merger or acquisition have focused on prices paid by consumers. In recent years, however, they have started to take a more expansive view of potential benefits and harms. The new guidelines address the extent to which a merger lessens competition for workers and could result in lower wages, worse benefits, or poorer workplace conditions. Research on vertical integration in health care could examine its consequences for clinicians. Many clinicians may be satisfied after their practice is acquired; they may, for example, have an improved work–life balance, receive greater administrative support, and be relieved of managing the business-related aspects of medicine. Alternatively, they may work longer hours, have less autonomy and constrained job mobility, and experience more burnout or moral injury.

Third, and most important, when hospitals acquire practices, which patients benefit, and which are harmed? The effects of vertical integration are likely to vary depending on the medical and social needs of a health system’s patients. Patients who have multiple coexisting conditions and require frequent interactions with the health care system may be especially affected by changes in care protocols and referral networks after practice acquisitions. The types of practices that hospitals target also matters. The guidelines call attention to the potential for merged entities to limit access to products or services that rivals need to compete. It’s possible that in preferentially acquiring profitable practices, hospitals leave patients in poorly resourced practices worse off by weakening those practices’ leverage in negotiations with insurers, deprioritizing referrals for their patients, or hiring away their clinicians and staff. Future research could examine the effects of acquisitions not only on patients at practices that are acquired by hospitals, but also on patients at practices that, for whatever reason, are not.

The concluding paragraph summarizes the authors' concerns:

The rapid acquisition of physician practices by hospitals highlights an important tension in health care — between the possibility that integration can promote efficiency and improved quality and the concern that it distorts markets and can worsen health and financial outcomes. This tension reflects the conflicting values of coordination and competition. Resolving it — determining whether, how, and when regulators should act — will require a more nuanced understanding of the consequences of these acquisitions for patients, families, and clinicians. 

Friday, March 08, 2024

Biden's State of the Union Address: 13 Health Care Take-aways

Becker's Hospital Review takes a look at "13 healthcare takeaways" from President Biden's State of the Union address last evening. They include:


  1. Expanding Medicare's drug price negotiation scope
  2. Limiting drug costs
  3. Expanding rebate requirement
  4. Closing Medicaid coverage gap [for 10 states, including Texas, that haven't expanded eligibility]
  5. Capping the cost of insulin
  6. Abortion access
  7. COVID-19
  8. Affordable Care Act
  9. Women's health
  10. Taxes
  11. Gun violence
  12. PACT Act [Resources for Veterans]
  13. ARPA-H (Advanced Research Projects Agency for Health ) 

Tuesday, February 20, 2024

Out-of-Pocket Costs Are Top of the List of Voters' Concerns

Money's tight. Inflation seems to be stuck at a level that bothers voters -- R, D, and Ind alike. Worries that the Fed may back off a notch or two in its current rate-reduction program seems to have spooked the equities markets, and that's an unsettling development to tens of millions of workers and retirees whose retirement plans are in managed stock portfolios. 

Add to all this a broadly shared view that out-of-pocket expenditures for health care are too high, according to polling done by the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation. When registered voters were asked about their health-care concerns, these payments -- copays, coinsurance, deductibles -- were #1 by a lot:


This concern was shared across the political spectrum. As the KFF folks put it: 
What this means is that affordability is now the theme that will resonate most with voters, whether candidates are talking about health on the campaign trail, or policymakers are advancing policy proposals. That doesn’t mean that other themes like “universal coverage” or health care as a “right” (if you lean liberal), or “choice” or “competition” (if you lean more conservative), don’t work with large segments of the population. But with 92% of the population now covered and so many people struggling with medical bills and medical debt, affordability is the big tent theme that will connect with the most Americans.  

Reproductive rights will motivate large groups of voters to go to the poll. The issue polls well with Democrats, independents, and college-educated women, among others. It appeared to have an effect in 2023 elections, but its impact on 2024 remains to be seen. 

To be clear, affordability of health care isn't simply a political issue. It has huge implications for access to health care, even among the 92% of Americans who have health insurance coverage, at least to the extent health care is postponed or not sought at all because of high cost-sharing obligations. Also, when care is postponed or passed up, that has an impact on quality of care, and reduced access and quality affect societal concerns with the justice and fairness of the health care delivery system that continues to price millions of covered individuals out of the market. 

Sunday, December 10, 2023

Hospital Discharge Planning: It Takes a SYSTEM

On Thursday (Dec. 7), I posted about a Catholic hospital system in California that has taken to suing patients for trespass when they refuse to leave the hospital after a discharge order has been written. I don't know how the suits will turn out (settled, is my guess), but there are factual disputes as to whether safe discharge locations (such as home, nursing home, intermediate care facilities) are available for patients who leave their hospital settings. The hospitals undoubtedly believe there are safe alternatives, so if there is no settlement, there will need to be a trial to resolve the factual disagreements. In short, it's a mess.

Another side of the same coin was highlighted by a different kind of story later in the week. Coming a $2.3 billion operating loss in 2022, Massachusetts General Hospital reported a $95 million operating revenue surplus for 2023 (Boston Globe, Dec. 8; paywall likely). Major contributors to the one-year turn-around: the last of the one-time COVID relief money and "a robust investment portfolio." In other words, this year's net revenue was not necessarily directly related to higher volumes and greater efficiencies in providing patient care, though the hospital did report an nearly $1 billion increase in revenue from patient activities year-over-year.

The financial picture could have been even better. According the the Globe story, "The system is treating fewer people than it would like to, largely because there is less capacity at nursing homes and rehabilitation facilities that would normally take discharged patients recovering from hospitalization" (emphasis added). The hyperlink is to a (June 12, 2023) report that over 1,000 patients in the Bay State remain "stuck" in hospitals because of the shortage of nursing homes and rehab facilities. But the main point of the Dec. 8 story is that hospitalizations are being limited at the front end at MGH, which means care is being delayed and even denied for lack of appropriate discharge options. 

We refer incessantly to the "American health care system," but this is another reminder that the "system" is less than that. It's an agglomeration of disparate parts -- some public, some private, some for-profit, others nonprofit -- the locations and even existence of which are largely market-driven, which is often not the same as need-driven. The big players are in a fairly decent position to protect themselves, as the 2023 MGH numbers illustrate. But there are lots of smaller and rural providers that lack the resources and resiliency to weather large losses year after year. The outlook for them is grimmer than ever. 

The Affordable Care Act was premised (correctly, IMHO) on the proposition that the private health insurance market could not operate in the public interest without a large dose of regulatory correction. Even the advances of the ACA -- as desirable and necessary as they were and are -- were delayed and reduced bu its opponents. From my Dec. 4 blog post:

As Abbe Gluck and two co-authors wrote in the Georgetown Law Journal in 2020, "[t]he ACA is the most challenged statute in American history." The authors cite more than 2,000 legal attacks, more than 70 GOP-led attempts in Congress to repeal or strip down the Act, and seven trips to the Supreme Court. Add to the story that "the statute has been rebelled against by the states charged with implementing it, sabotaged by the second President to administer it, and financially starved by Congress," and the story becomes one of "unprecedented statutory resilience."

Private health insurance is just one piece of the puzzle -- a very significant piece, but only a part of the story. If this country tried to get serious about organizing health care into a true system, the opposition would dwarf anything we saw from 2010-2020.  

Tuesday, August 15, 2023

Health Insurers' Tactic Resurfaces With a Vengeance: Deny, Deny, Deny

I once had a Health Law student who had been an HMO employee in a previous life. She was the one who answered the phone when a provider (hospital, clinic, physician, etc.) dialed 1-800 for pre-authorization for a procedure, hospitalization, or prescription item (medication, wheelchair, PT, etc.). Her standing order was simple: Always deny the request first time around. In Texas, we call that "bad faith claims handling" and it's a tort that can result in compensatory and punitive damages. So much for the deterrence effect of tort law!

A lot has changed in health care in the intervening two decades, byt "deny, deny, deny" is still with us. It's frustrating for policy holders (a/k/a patients and human beings), and it's aggravating for the providers. It's also a form of Russian roulette that results in dangerous delays in providing needed health care goods and services.

A recent article in Becker's CFO Report (Aug. 14, 2023) highlights the problem. As described by a hospital CEO with 37 years of experience in health care, bare-knuckle negotiations over reimbursement rates get all the media attention when providers and a payor appear to be at impasse and termination of the contract is a looming reality for thousands of patients whose providers are about to be "out of network." Reimbursement rates are the "above the surface" story in these negotiations, but eventually both sides compromise and crisis is averted.

The "below the surface" issues, though, have an outsized effect on providers. These issues stem from denials of payment for any of the myriad reasons insurers can cite: service or medication not covered, no pre-authorization or referral from a gatekeeper, DRG down-coding, difference in clinical judgment about medical necessity . . . . The list goes on. Here's the eye-popping heart of the article:

Data and numbers on denial rates are not easy to find, but some examination paints a picture rich with variation. An analysis of 2021 plans on Healthcare.gov conducted by KFF found nearly 17 percent of in-network claims were denied, with rates varying from 2 percent to 49 percent. The reasons for the bulk of denials are unclear. About 14 percent were attributed to an excluded service, 8 percent to lack of pre-authorization or referral and 2 percent to questions of medical necessity. A whopping 77 percent were classified as "all other reasons." 

Adding to the inconsistency is the fact that health plan denial rates fluctuate year over year. In 2020, a gold-level health plan offered by Oscar Insurance in Florida denied 66 percent of payment requests; in 2021 it denied 7 percent.

And here's a refrain I hear from physician friends from all over:

"Nobody becomes a physician because they hope to feel like a cog in a factory," Michael Ivy, MD, deputy chief medical officer of Yale New Haven (Conn.) Health, told Becker's. "However, between meeting the demands of payers for referrals, denials of payment and increased documentation requirements in order to assure proper reimbursement and risk adjustment, as well as an increasing number of production metrics, it can be difficult not to feel like a cog." 

As for the government's role in policing the conduct of these insurers:

Authors of the 2010 Affordable Care Act worried that provisions to expand health insurance access — such as barring health insurers' refusal to cover patients with preexisting conditions — could cause them to ratchet up other tactics to make up for the change. With this in mind, the law charged HHS with monitoring health plan denial rates, but oversight has been unfulfilled, leaving denials widespread.  

When you consider insurance company profits and their executive salaries, it's apparent that the "middle men" in these transactions are getting rich at the expense of providers and patients alike. Where's a good, old-fashioned congressional or FTC hearing when you need one? 


Saturday, August 05, 2023

Is Common-Law Contract Theory Superior to the No Surprises Act?

A new article from David Orentlicher et al.:

"Limiting Overall Hospital Costs by Capping Out-of-Network Rates" [Free Download]
Annals of Health Law, Vol. 32, No. 2 (2023)

DAVID ORENTLICHER, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, William S. Boyd School of Law
Email: david.orentlicher@unlv.edu

KYRA MORGAN, Nevada Department of Health and Human Services

BARAK D. RICHMAN, Duke University, School of Law, CERC, Stanford Univ. School of Medicine
Email: richman@law.duke.edu

Abstract:

Contract theory offers a simple and wildly effective solution to surprise bills: Hospital admissions contracts are contracts with open price terms, which contract law imputes with market rates. This solution not only obviated the costly, time-consuming, and complicated (and still unimplemented) legislative fix in the No Surprises Act, but it also is a superior solution since it introduces superior incentives to disclose, compete, and economize. 

Using data from the Nevada Department of Health and Turquoise Health, this paper explores the theory and empirics of employing contract law's solution to hospital surprise bills and its superiority over other legislative interventions.

Friday, July 28, 2023

Pharmaceutical Firms Seek to Block Price Negotiations with Medicare

The New York Times has an excellent piece (23/24 July) on the drug industry's efforts to derail drug-pricing negotiations with Medicare that are authorized by the Inflation Reduction Act. As the deadline for starting negotiations nears, lawsuits have been filed by Johnson & JohnsonBristol Myers Squibb;  Astellas Pharma; the National Infusion Center Association (NICA), the Global Colon Cancer Association (GCCA), and the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) (read here); and Merck

As the Times piece points out, the policy arguments for and against  price negotiations focus on (1) how much of a financial hit the firms will take as a result of lower prices for drugs covered by Medicare and (2) the impact of those reductions on R&D and ultimately on the number of new drugs that will not get to market over the next decade:

A study released last month that was funded by the Biotechnology Innovation Organization . . . warned that the pricing provisions would discourage innovation, resulting in as many as 139 fewer drug approvals over the next 10 years.

But that assessment is at odds with an analysis by the [nonpartisan] Congressional Budget Office, which estimated that the law would result in only one fewer drug approval over a decade and about 13 fewer drugs over the next 30 years. 

The calculations are actually quite difficult to nail down. Consider, for example, that we don't know which drugs will be included in future negotiations (and therefore what the projected savings to Medicare will be). And then there's the spillover effect. Most if not all the most expensive drugs whose prices will be negotiated have competitors, and there is likely to be an effect on the competitors' drug prices. Modeling all these variables can account for much if not all of the difference between the two estimates, but I will take any estimate from a pharma trade group with a large dose of salt.

Sunday, July 09, 2023

Surprise medical bills, 'junk' insurance - new proposals from Biden administration

We've been hearing about "surprise medical bills" for years. A colleague of mine had surgery over a decade ago and did everything humanly possible to avoid an unpleasant surprise, including checking with the anesthesiology group to make sure the assigned anesthesiologist would be an "in network" physician -- that is, would be covered by our insurance plan. "No problem," said the group's manager. Come the day of the surgery and a last-minute schedule change for the assigned anesthesiologist led to a substitution in the OR and guess what? The substitute anesthesiologist, despite being under contract with the group, was "out of network." As a result, instead of a bill for anesthesia services in the hundreds of dollars, the actual charge -- 100% of which was my colleague's responsibility -- was in the thousands. Surprise!

NPR and Kaiser Health News produce a monthly feature entitled "Bill of the Month." The stories would be comical if they weren't soul-crushing. 

The stories persist, though, even after January 1, 2022, the effective date of the federal No Surprises Act (part of the previous year's omnibus appropriations bill). And even after reams of analysis and guidance from HHS/CMS, Brookings, the Commonwealth Fund, the Consumer Financial Protection Board, the Department of Labor, the Federal Trade Commission, and of course Kaiser Health News.

So, as reported by Becker's Payer Issues, "the Biden administration is issuing guidance to end the abuse of 'in-network' designation, according to a July 7 White House news release." [President's remarks; fact sheet

The White House fact sheet provides impressive detail that describes steps to address the following problem areas:
  • "New proposed rules would close loopholes that the previous administration took advantage of that allow companies to offer misleading insurance products that can discriminate based on pre-existing conditions and trick consumers into buying products that provide little or no coverage when they need it most."
  • "New guidance will help stop providers from gaming the system by evading the surprise billing rules with creative contractual loopholes that still leave consumers with unexpected costs."
  • "For the first time in history, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, HHS, and Treasury are collaborating to explore whether health care provider and third-party efforts to encourage consumers to sign up for medical credit cards and loans are operating outside of existing consumer protections and breaking the law."

Sunday, July 02, 2023

Private Equity, Consolidation, and Prices of HC Goods and Services

Good article in the Washington Post on June 29. The case study concerns U.S. Anesthesia Partners, which has been on a buying spree. The business model is basic: Go into a market, purchase private anesthesia practices, and once they are under one roof, raise the prices these groups charge hospitals and surgery centers. One study, "based on six years of data, for example, found that when anesthesia companies backed by private-equity investors took over at a hospital outpatient or surgery center, they raised prices by an average of 26 percent more than facilities served by independent anesthesia practices."

The Federal Trade Commission is supposed to be watching out for mergers and acquisitions that produce enough market power to give the resulting entity the power to raise prices, According to the article, the FTC has given these consolidations of market share the equivalent of a raised eyebrow and nothing more. The Kaiser Family Foundation has published on this topic. Is anyone in government paying attention?

Saturday, June 17, 2023

CMS estimates national health expenditures to increase to 19.6% of GDP in 10 years

From Health Affairs (online, June 14):

New estimates released today from the Office of the Actuary (OACT) at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) and published online today in Health Affairs project a rate of national health spending growth of 4.3 percent for 2022, with expenditures projected to have reached $4.4 trillion. Health spending over the course of 2022–31 is expected to grow 5.4 percent per year on average.

This study will also appear in the July 2023 issue of Health Affairs. The link to the full study, once the embargo lifts, will be https://health-policy.healthaffairs.org/keehan/july2023issue/aop.

Economic growth is expected to have outpaced growth in national health spending in 2022, causing ta decrease in the projected health spending share of gross domestic product (GDP) from 18.3 percent in 2021 to 17.4 percent in 2022. However, over the course of the 2022–31 period, nominal GDP is expected to grow 4.6 percent annually—0.8 percentage point lower than average growth in national health expenditures—resulting in health spending accounting for 19.6 percent of GDP by 2031 (emphasis added).

Saturday, May 27, 2023

More on Consolidation within the Health Care Industry

Fortune's team of Maria Aspan and Erika Fry have focused their analytical lens on the growth of health care firms in their recent article, "Companies like CVS and UnitedHealth are now some of the world’s biggest businesses. Is that healthy for the rest of us?" (May 24, 2023). It's a good read.

Let's start some context. Despite a recent minor dip, health care is the largest single sector that contributes to our Gross Domestic Product, the equal of defense and education (at all levels) combined. 

Although this number -- whether expressed in absolute dollars, as a percentage of GDP, or as expenditures per capita -- is vastly larger than the expenditures of every other developed country in the world. And by almost any measure, the results -- in terms of life span, infant and maternal mortality, etc. --  pale in comparison to the same countries and many developing countries, as well. Much has been written about this conundrum. After all, we are a rich country and if we want to spend a lot of our wealth on health care, well, why not? The counter-argument is multifaceted. Are we as a society making smart decisions about those health care expenditures? Are there better strategies than "throw a ton of money at what ails you and hope that something works"? Are we doing all we reasonably can to root out waste and fraud? As COVID vividly and catastrophically demonstrated, expenditures for health care goods and services are not equitably distributed to racial and ethnic minorities, economically disadvantaged individuals and households, or the under- and uninsured, a group that persists despites the reforms of Obamacare.

This is Aspan and Fry's concern, too. They are looking at the rapid and extensive increase in firm size and the consolidation of disparate providers (hospitals, pharmacies, clinics, physician practices) into behemoths of unimaginable market power see at least a correlative relationship with GDP. Much of the merger activity in the health care sector is fueled by debt and venture capital, all of which demands cash flow to service. In other words, relentless growth in net revenues, year over year and quarter over quarter. Where's the incentive to keep patients healthy and out of hospital beds or to provide the most cost-effective care?

Granted, providers prosper by delivering more goods and services. And insurers prosper by paying for less care. As the authors point out, there is a conflict of interest at a fundamental level of this business model. Meanwhile, it's the wild, west out there, and the big firms seem to be doing just fine, at least for now. Whether that translates into better health outcomes for the rest of us is still very much in doubt.


Friday, May 19, 2023

"Preauthorization" and why your insurer is out to get you

I am not saying health insurers are evil. Or that their policies are evil. But their claims-handling practices are very often ill-advised, are calculated to maximize corporate revenues at the expense of the health of their insureds, and too often produce results that are, well, evil.

One of the defining characteristics of "managed care" -- which used to be this funky little thing over in the corner of our system of healthcare finance and delivery and now is everywhere -- is the notion of preauthorization by your insurance company before you can get almost anything: a visit to a specialist, hospitalization, a prescription drug, etc. The craziness that sometimes marks this process is hard to fathom (other than the aforementioned profit motive). Dr. Amy Faith Ho has taken this on over on Twitter and her posts are well worth following.